While I understand the importance of sharing my results with
government officials and NGOs, I feel that the real value lies in sharing it
with the community members who are directly impacted by mining and mercury. I thus spent the final two weeks of my trip
to Senegal traveling to mining villages.
Each morning, Falaye and I would walk to the market to buy a
bag of kola nuts – these are given to hosts as a sign of respect and are
essential to establishing ourselves appropriately according to Senegalese
tradition. We then continued to the car
stand, where we’d find a car traveling to our set destination. In Senegal, there are no public transportation
schedules; you arrive at the car stand, buy a ticket for the car, and wait for
the rest of the seats to fill up. There
are 7 places, but sometimes 9 or 10 people are assigned places before the car
leaves. The best bet is to arrive around
8 or 9 and then be prepared to hang out for up to a few hours before the car is
ready to go.
On one particular morning, we arrived at the car stand
looking for a car only to learn that no car would be going that day – the normal
store stock delivery (foods, toiletries, etc.) that helps to finance the car had
not arrived and thus the driver did not want to spend the gas money to get
there. The two of us, along with two
other passengers who were waiting for the same destination, offered to rent a car
– we would buy the extra four places in the car. At first, they wanted to charge us extra for
renting the car, but we bargained them back to the normal fees, with each of us
paying for two seats. Once this had been
decided, someone was sent to the other car stand to get a car. Thinking this was the car we’d take, we all
got in. Instead, it brought us to the
second car stand where the driver knocked on the window of another car. It was 10 in the morning, but this other driver
was still sound asleep in the back of his car.
He woke up, agreed to take us there, and then set about his morning routine:
washing his face, praying, rearranging the items in his car, tinkering around
under the hood, pouring water over the tires.
Finally, after almost an hour, he told us to get in the car. We all piled in and four men pushed the car
down the block until we reached a downhill section for him to start the car’s
motor. We were off…until we reached the
carshop down the road. He pulled over,
we all got out, and we waited while they adjusted the tires, tinkered under the
hood, and did some other adjustments.
Finally, at almost noon, we were all in the car and being pushed down
the road one more time. We were off,
down the paved road for an hour and then down a dirt road for another hour,
until the car started making strange sounds.
We pulled over, all piled out, and the driver again tinkered with the
tires and under the hood. He finally decided
we could make it the five kilometers to the next town where there was a
carshop, if we drove slowly. So we
continued down the dirt road, stopped at the carshop, waited for the car to be
fixed, and then continued on our way. Soon
after, we reached a police checkpoint.
We were all asked to show our ids and explain where we were going. One man did not have his id, and we had to
wait while he spoke with the police, gave them some money, and then we
continued on our way. Finally, around 2,
we reached the village.
Falaye had tried to call his contact in the village the day
before to alert him that we’d be coming, but had been unable to get
through. Upon arriving in the village, we
realized this was because cell phone reception was out. Luckily, everyone knows everyone, so we asked
someone on the street who pointed out his contact’s compound. We arrived there, greeted everyone in the
family, and were asked to sit down for a bit.
Falaye explained that we were there to present the results of my
research to members of the community. So
his contact brought us to the village chief’s house and introduced us. Falaye presented him with the kola nuts and
some money to buy sodas for the meeting.
We then waited while the chief’s son called together the imam (religious
leader) and other members of the community.
Finally, the chief told us it was time to start. As I couldn’t speak the local language (and
since it’s better for information on such a controversial issue to come from a
local Senegalese rather than a foreigner), Falaye led the conversation. He introduced himself and explained why we
were there. He then had me introduce
myself (which he translated into Bambara).
Falaye then began the discussion, running it as a question
and answer session rather than a lecture.
He started by asking what they knew about mercury. Invariably, they explained the benefits of using
it for gold processing – it was easy to use, cheap to obtain, and was effective
at recovering gold. One man demonstrated
the process of adding mercury and how small balls of gold-mercury amalgams
could be squeezed into one larger ball using a piece of cloth. An older man was quick to add that mercury hadn’t
always been used in the mines – the technique was brought by men from Burkina
Faso in the early 2000s. Falaye then
asked them if they knew why mercury was bad to use. There was silence. The chief finally spoke up that they’d been
told it was bad, but had never seen anyone sick from the mercury. When asked the symptoms of mercury toxicity,
however, they didn’t know. Falaye began
to explain, and I searched the faces of a few men with trembling hands (a sign
of mercury toxicity) to see their reaction.
They remained composed, but were suddenly concerned and curious as to
why they’d never been diagnosed as such.
(The response: the hospital and local health post did not know the symptoms
of mercury toxicity either.) Falaye then
went on to explain the results of my research – people can be exposed to
mercury both from the aquatic system (e.g., water, fish) and the terrestrial system
(e.g., soil, crops, vegetables).
Next, they asked us: “Lan men nanu def?” (“What can we do?”). Falaye turned the question on them – asking for
their suggestions of solutions. And this
is the part that always amazed me. When
we met with government officials and NGOs and asked them the same question,
they responded that they didn’t know of a solution and that we should tell them
what to do. But when we met with the villagers,
they always had ideas of possible solutions to reduce their exposure and of how
they could be reinforced. The solutions
ranged from making protective equipment (masks, gloves) available in the local
markets, to establishing a place far from the village where everyone would burn
the mercury, and to imposing a fine for the burning of mercury without the use
of a retort (cover that captures 80-90% of the mercury emitted) that would be
enforced by the locally elected and well-respected mining police. After these solutions were proposed, we were
asked again what we thought. Falaye would
translate for me at this point to allow me to give my opinion. I supported their ideas. Eliminating the use of mercury is difficult
without an alternative; until one is found, the solutions they proposed seemed effective
pathways to reduce human exposure.
We allowed them time to ask us questions. Usually, after about an hour, everyone had had
the opportunity to speak, we asked them to share this information with others
in their community, and we were thanked by the village chief. We then stood up, grabbed lunch, and waited
for a car to fill up and bring us back to Kedougou.